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Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān

Qurʾān in Everyday Life, (11,444 words)

Article Table of Contents

Introduction

Shaping everyday life

Recitation: Oral/aural communication

Everyday language

Artistic presentation, calligraphy and crafts

Conclusion

Bibliography

Introduction

The topic of religion in everyday life has become a subject of increasing interest for historians and social scientists alike. The role of scripture, however, in everyday life has hardly been studied. “Everyday life” is ¶2:81/1¶ not, it should be said, as obviously or immediately discernible as one might suppose, but entails a variety of complex activities of individuals as well as of communities within a specific cultural domain. The definition of ‘everyday life’ adopted here is “the routine non-ritual activities of ordinary people… who do not occupy positions of importance or celebrity in their society” (Beckford, Socialization, 140). The methodological problem of classifying or documenting these phenomena must face the difficulty that study of the abundant historical and religious sources provides little information about the Muslim populace at large or their general everyday life. Anthropological studies tend to be more interested in the form of those religious activities connected to social and communal structures, such as rituals, devotional practices, saints' festivals, sermons, ceremonies and the like, than in their contents. Very rarely do these studies pay attention to the role or function of the Qurʾān in such religious activities.

Mention must be made, however, of three important contributions of the latter half of the twentieth century that do examine the role that the Qurʾān plays in various aspects of daily life, and which one may consult for detailed analyses of the phenomenon. The first is the anthropological study of Sayyid ʿUways, “The shout of the silent” (Hutāf al-ṣāmiṭīn), which treats the phrases and expressions written on cars and trucks in Egypt. The author counted 55 qurʾānic quotations, which amounts to 27.5% of the religious expressions and 8.9% of all the written expression collected (ibid., 82, 135-42). The second is William Graham's Beyond the written word. It was during the author's first visit to Egypt, which coincided with the month of Ramaḍān (q.v.), that he sought to comprehend the significance of the recited Qurʾān (see recitation of the qurʾān ), eventually devoting an entire chapter to ‘The Recited Qurʾān in Everyday Piety and Practice” (ibid., chapter eight) where brief accounts are given of the role of Qurʾān recitation in worship (q.v.), Muslim education, communal life (see community and society in the qurʾān ), and family and personal life (pp. 102-9). ¶ The third study worth mentioning is Padwick's Muslim devotions, where a great deal of attention is given to the Qurʾān quotations to be found in texts of devotion.

As studying the role of the Qurʾān in everyday life is a “work in progress,” certain aspects have, at the time of the writing of this article, been more closely documented than others. For example, regional differences, as well as those that are observable between rural and urban contexts, have to be examined more fully. This article is correspondingly limited to the available data, supplemented by the personal observations of the author.

Insofar as the Qurʾān sought, from its inception, to re-shape and reform the everyday life of the prophet Muḥammad and his followers, it is necessary to consider aspects of everyday life that the Qurʾān regulates on the basis of the Qurʾān itself. It is fair to say that, after the Prophet's death, the role of the Qurʾān in everyday life gradually increased. With the expansion of Islam (q.v.) into regions with different historical, religious and cultural traditions, the position occupied by the Qurʾān developed beyond that of its function in the early Muslim community at Medina (q.v.). The part that the Qurʾān played in shaping the lives of the early Muslims will thus be treated as a necessary background to understanding its similar function in more recent times.

Shaping everyday life

The first command issued to the Prophet in the process of the revelation of the Qurʾān was to “recite, (iqraʾ) in the name of your lord who created, created man from a clot” ( q 96:1-2; see blood and blood clot ). ¶ As preparation for the heavy mission with which he was to be charged, he was subsequently commanded to keep awake during part of the night in prayer (q.v.), reciting the Qurʾān and repeating the name of his lord (q.v.; cf. q 73:2-8). Recitation of the Qurʾān thus became the very heart of all kinds of prayers — whether invocation of God's blessing( duʿāʾ) or the obligatory ritual ( ṣalāt). For example, q 17:78 speaks of the dawn prayer as (recitation of the) Qurʾān at daybreak ( qurʾān al-fajr, Padwick, Muslim devotion, 108). The repetition of God's name ( dhikr) was also identified with the recitation of the Qurʾān; it is repeatedly mentioned that the Qurʾān is for reminding (dhikr, e.g. q 54:17, 22). The Qurʾān can itself be construed as a reminder, and the word dhikr thus became, like the word for book (q.v.; kitāb), one of the names of the Qurʾān (q.v.). Muslims are supposed to remember and mention the name of God (Allāh) at every moment, regardless of whether they are standing, sitting or lying down ( q 3:191). Only the unbelievers (see belief and unbelief ) and the hypocrites (see hypocrites and hypocrisy ) are those who abstain from doing so ( q 4:142; 37:13).

Like dhikr and prayer, glorification of God (q.v.; tasbīḥ) is repeatedly demanded of the Prophet as well as of all believers. It is through tasbīḥ that the believers join the whole universe in a cosmological prayer, because everything and every being on earth (q.v.) and in heaven (q.v.), glorifies God ( q 13:13; 17:44; 24:41 etc.). This kind of cosmological prayer is to be performed day and night, early and late, before sunrise and before sunset ( q 3:41; 20:130; 33:42 etc.; see day, times of; evening). Such forms of sacred utterance represent different dimensions of the essential relationship between the creator and his creatures, the continuous acts of praise (q.v.; ḥamd) through worship ( ʿibāda).¶ Jinn (q.v.) and humans are created only to worship God ( q 51:56). Strongly related to dhikr, tasbīḥ and ḥamd is the magnification of God ( takbīr, i.e. saying “God is the greater [or the greatest],” Allāhu akbar). While the Qurʾān speaks of God as “the great, the transcendant” (al- kabīru l-mutaʿālī, q 13:9) and “the exalted, the great” (al-ʿaliyyu al-kabīr, q 22:62; 31:30; 34:23; 40:12; cf. 4:34; see god and his attributes ), Muslims are ordered to exalt God over all other deities (see polytheism and atheism ). The order was first directed to the Prophet as part of his prophetic mission to “get up and warn” (qum fa-andhir, i.e. his people; q 74:2; see warner ) and to “exalt his lord” (wa-rabbaka fa-kabbir, q 74:3). The command to utter the takbīr is also directed to Muslims when fasting (q.v.; q 2:185) and also while on pilgrimage (q.v.; q 22:37).

There are five daily ritual prayers that are obligatory for a Muslim ( ṣalāt): the dawn prayer of two units of prostration ( rakʿa; see bowing and prostration ); the noon prayer of four; the afternoon prayer also of four; the sunset prayer of three; and the evening prayer of four. A Muslim recites the first chapter of the Qurʾān, Sūrat al-Fātiḥā (see fātiḥa ), and other qurʾānic verses at every unit of prayer, amounting to 17 daily recitations from the Qurʾān. This number would be much higher if the believer were to perform the non-obligatory prayers called nawāfil. As every rakʿa includes takbīr, dhikr, ḥamd, tasbīḥ and duʿāʾ, in addition to Qurʾān recitation, ṣalāt represents in itself a channel of communication between humans and God through the recitation of the Qurʾān. The importance of the five daily ṣalāt is thus related to this function. In this respect, Sūrat al-Fātiḥa, which is to be recited at every rakʿa, occupies a special position in the liturgical use of the Qurʾān. ¶ According to a well-known ḥadīth, God says, “I divided the prayer, i.e. al-Fātiḥa, in two [parts] between me and my servant” (qasamtu l-ṣalāta baynī wa-bayna ʿabdī nisfayni): When he says, “Praise be to God, the lord of the worlds” (al- ḥamdu lillāhi rabbi l-ʿālamīna), I say, “My servant has praised me” ( ḥamadanī ʿabdī); When he says, “The merciful, the compassionate” ( al- raḥmāni l-raḥīm), I say, “My servant has exalted me” ( athnā ʿalayya ʿabdī); When he says, “Sovereign of the day of judgment” ( māliki yawmi l-dīni, see last judgment ), I say, “My servant has glorified me” ( majjadanī ʿabdī); When he says, “It is you that we worship and you from whom we seek help” (iyyāka naʿbudu wa-iyyāka nastaʿīnu), I say, “This verse is between me and my servant, and all that my servant requests is his” (fa-hādhihi l- āyatu baynī wa-bayna ʿabdī wa-li-ʿabdī mā saʾala); When he says, “Guide us to the straight path, the path of those whom you have blessed, not the path of those who have provoked your anger upon them, nor the lost” (ihdinā l- ṣirāṭa l-mustaqīma, ṣirāṭa lladhīna anʿamta ʿalayhim ghayri l-maghḍūbi ʿalayhim wa-lā l-ḍāllīna), I say, “This is for my servant and all that my servant requests is his” (hādhā li-ʿabdī wa-li-ʿabdī mā saʾala).

In addition to its importance as the basic channel of communication between God and humans, the Fātiḥa contains in its seven short verses, according to al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111), all the topics covered in detail throughout the entire Qurʾān: information about God's essence ( dhāt), his attributes ( ṣifāt) and his actions ( afʿāl), which together constitute the doctrine of faith (q.v.); the after-life (al- maʿād, see eschatology ), reward and punishment (q.v.; al- thawāb wa-l-ʿiqāb), and allusion to the qurʾānic narratives (q.v.), as well as to certain legal injunctions ( aḥkām, Ghazālī, Jawāhir, 39-42; see law and the qurʾān ). This interpretation, as elaborated by al-Ghazālī justifies the other name given to the sūra, “the essence (lit. mother) of the scripture (lit. book)” ( umm al-kitāb). If prayer occupies the highest position in the religion, it is through recitation of Sūrat al-Fātiḥa ( umm al-kitāb) that the Qurʾān becomes the heart of prayer. ¶ Seen in this light, the mandatory prayer cannot be reduced to a mere ritual devoid of personal meaning. Further, it can be fit to the pattern of a person's life since it can be performed anywhere, at any time, in privacy or with others, although it is highly recommended as sunna (q.v.), i.e. a prophetic precedent, to perform it in congregation ( jamāʿa) at the mosque.

Formal ritualism in Islam should be understood in terms of congregational prayers, such as the Friday noon prayer ( ṣalāt al-jumuʿa/al-jumʿa) and the prayer on the two feast days, ( ṣalāt al-ʿīdayn; see festivals and commemorative days ) of which a sermon ( khuṭba), replete with qurʾānic rhetoric (cf. Gaffney, Prophet's pulpit, append.), is an essential part. The prayers of the two feast days are important, though non-obligatory, sunna. The first is to be performed after the end of the fasting month of Ramaḍān (q.v.), i.e. ṣalāt ʿīd al-fiṭr, while the second is to be performed on the final day of the annual pilgrimage rite at Mecca on the tenth of the month of Dhū l-Ḥijja, i.e. ṣalāt ʿīd al-aḍḥā. Prayer, the most important tenet of Islam after the confession of faith ( shahāda, see witness to faith ), is at the heart of all religious action (ʿibādāt) and thus is termed the essence of religion ( mukhkh al- ʿibāda), as well as the pillar of religion ( ʿimād al-dīn). Neglecting it is tantamount to neglecting Islam altogether (man tarakahā fa-ka-annamā taraka l-dīn, Ibn Māja, K. Iqāmāt al-ṣalāt wa-sunnat fīhā, nos. 1068, 1069, 1070).

Fasting( ṣiyām) was another way the Qurʾān regulated the life of the Prophet and the early Muslim community, both spiritually and physically. ¶ It is mentioned in the Qurʾān that the establishment of fasting was in accord with what had been prescribed (kutiba, lit. “written”) for “those who had come before you” (cf. q 2:183), suggesting that it is an essential part of any revealed religion and that the Muslim community stands in continuity with the history of such religions, a continuity that partially compensates for the inevitable dissociation of early Muslims from their immediate, pagan society. Obligatory fasting lasts one month, “the month of Ramaḍān in which the Qurʾān [understood to mean the first verses of the Qurʾān] was revealed” ( q 2:185). Associated with the day-long fast is a night-prayer, ( ṣalāt al-qiyām), recommended as sunna to be performed collectively every night. During the last ten days of the month, it is a recommended practice to stay at the mosque day and night, completely committed to devotion ( iʿtikāf). One night out of these last ten, the Night of Power (q.v.; laylat al-qadr), is considered the most important, because it was the night that witnessed the first episode in the revelation of the Qurʾān. It is “better than one thousand months” ( q 97:3), i.e. devotion on that specific night is evaluated, and will be rewarded, as equal to the devotion of one thousand months. “The angels (see angel ) and the holy spirit (q.v.) descend in it [i.e. the Night of Power] on every errand by the permission of their lord. Peace (q.v.) it is until the break of dawn” ( q 97:4-5). Although there is no consensus on the exact date of the Night of Power, Muslims generally believe it to be the twenty-seventh night of Ramaḍān. Scholars (q.v.; ʿulamāʾ) of the Qurʾān explain that the reason that the exact night is not specified is to encourage Muslims to undertake devotion during the entire time it is expected, i.e. the last ten nights of the month.

The practices associated with Ramaḍān are well suited to illustrate the extent to which the Qurʾān infuses the texture of everyday life for Muslims (for Ramaḍān and everyday life, see Jomier, L'islam vécu en Égypte, 33-74).¶ It is Ramaḍān in particular, that has drawn attention to the importance of the oral dimension of the Qurʾān, so much so that Ramaḍān has been perceived as “the month of months in the Muslim calendar (q.v.).” The historian of religion W. Graham has written: “I was fortunate to be in Cairo during the month of Ramaḍān, which fell that year in December. It was there, walking the streets of the old city amidst the animated bustle of the nocturnal crowds of men, women and children, that I first heard at length the compelling chanting of the professional Qurʾān reciters. It seemed that wherever I wandered in the old city, from Bāb Zuwaylah to Bāb al-Futūḥ, the drawn-out, nuanced cadences of the sacred recitations gave the festive nights a magical air as the reciters' penetrating voices sounded over radios in small, open shops, or wafted into the street from the doorways of mosques and from under the canvas marquees set up specially for this month of months in the Muslim calendar. If it was only an impressionistic introduction to the living tradition of Qurʾān recitation, it was also an unforgettable one” (Graham, p. x.; see also Jomier, op. cit., 60-73).

After the shahāda, prayer, almsgiving (q.v.) and fasting, the fifth and final pillar of Islam is the pilgrimage ( ḥajj) to the holy sanctuary at Mecca (q.v.), the Kaʿba (q.v.; cf. q 2:197; 3:96-7; 9:3). A pre-Islamic ritual practice (see pre-islamic arabia and the qurʾān ), it was given Islamic orientation by the qurʾānic ascription of its origins to Abraham's (q.v.) cry to God ( q 2:125-7; cf. 22:26). Although it is obligatory to undertake it only once during one's life, and only for those who can afford it, Muslims are often eager to perform the pilgrimage more than once. With the technological advancements in transportation, the number of contemporary Muslims who want ¶ to go on pilgrimage has steadily increased to the extent that the Saudi authorities have been forced to set an annual quota for every Muslim country. To avoid huge crowds during the month of the pilgrimage itself, Muslims have increasingly opted for the ‘lesser pilgrimage’ ( ʿumra, q 2:196; cf. 2:158), which has traditionally been understood as a supererogatory act of personal devotion. In an article in the Egyptian newspaper al-Ahrām, an Islamist writer recently criticized the thousands of Egyptian Muslims heading to Mecca during the month of Ramaḍān to perform ʿumra. The aim of such criticism is to draw the attention of Muslims to the priority given in Islam to communal and social duties over the mentality of devotion for personal salvation. Yet the angry reaction to such criticism reflects the importance of both ḥajj and ʿumra for Muslims at large (see articles by Fahmī Huwaydī, in the January 12, 19 and 26, 1999 issues of al-Ahrām).

The role of the Qurʾān in both the ḥajj and the ʿumra is most clearly observed during the seven-fold circumambulation of the Kaʿba (the ṭawāf). The phrases that constitute the supplication ( duʿāʾ al-talbiya) that is chanted in the course of this ritual, although not taken verbatim from particular sūras, are all taken from the language of the Qurʾān. The words of this supplication are as follows: I am here, come O God, I am here ( labbayka Allāhumma labbayka); indeed all praise and grace and sovereignty are yours (inna l- ḥamda wa-l-niʿmata wa-l-mulka laka); You have no partner, I am here, I am here, come O God, I am here (la sharīka laka, labbayka, labbayka Allāhumma labbayka). Another formulaic derived from the Qurʾān, the takbīr, is as important a component of the ritualism of the ḥajj as the supplication (for more on the ḥajj, see Jomier, L'islam vécu en Égypte, 113-84).¶

It was not only through such rites as mentioned above that the Qurʾān regulated the early Muslims' everyday life. The piecemeal ( munajjam) manner of the Qurʾān's revelation itself corresponded to the needs and demands of the community (see occasions of revelation; revelation and inspiration). According to the exegetical tradition, demands made by early Muslims are reflected in the Qurʾān in the frequent occurrence of the phrase, “They ask you (yasʾalūnaka, i.e. Muḥammad),” attested 15 times. The questions to which the Qurʾān responds cover many different areas of religious and social interest. What is significant for our subject are those questions related to everyday life: expenditures for charity (al- infāq, cf. q 2:215, 219), fighting during the prohibited month ( q 2:217); wine (see intoxicants ) and gambling (q.v.; al- khamr wa-l-maysir, q 2:219), care of orphans (q.v.; al- yatāmā, q 2:220), menstruation (q.v.; al- maḥīḍ, q 2:222), permitted food ( q 5:4; see food and drink; lawful and unlawful) and the spoils of war (al- anfāl, q 8:1; see booty ). In the qurʾānic response to such matters, it was important to dissociate Muslims from the traditions and practices related to pre-Islamic idol worship (see idolatry and idolaters ). For example, the mention of an idol's name while slaughtering an animal, whether for sacrifice (q.v.) or merely for consumption, was replaced with mention of the name of God ( q 6:119-21; see consecration of animals ).

Qurʾānic regulation of the everyday life of the individual as well as of the community developed with subsequent generations. The Qurʾān came to be understood as the repository of all kinds of knowledge alongside the prophetic tradition, sunna, for both the individual and the community. It was al-Shāfiʿī (d. 204/820) who definitively expressed the view that the Qurʾān entails everything and contains, explicitly ¶ or implicitly, solutions to all problems of human life, present or future (Risāla, 20 and al-Umm, 271). Although his central concern was jurisprudence, Muslim theologians and philosophers (in their rational inquiry for the bases of sound knowledge) also upheld the supreme position of the Qurʾān (see philosophy and the qurʾān; theology and the qurʾān). Their point of view is summed up in the principle that complete consistency exists between sound rationality and authentic revelation ( muwāfaqat ṣarīḥ al-maʿqūl li-ṣaḥīḥ al-manqūl). The predominant view of Muslims worldwide, both past and present, is epitomized in the following statement: “As a word from God, the Koran is the foundation of the Muslim's life. It provides for him [sic.] the way to fulfilment in the world beyond and to happiness in the present one. There is for him no situation imaginable for which it does not afford guidance, no problem for which it does not have a solution. It is the ultimate source of all truth (q.v.), the final vindication of all right, the primary criterion (q.v.) of all values, and the original basis of all authority (q.v.). Both public and private affairs, religious and worldly, fall under its jurisdiction” (Labib, Recited Koran, 11). Beyond being the source of all sorts of knowledge (see knowledge and learning; science and the qurʾān), both religious and secular, the Qurʾān is a formative element of society and polity alike (see politics and the qurʾān ). It is “the basis not only of a faith and a religion; it is the basis also of a civilization, one which has phenomenalized itself in the clear light of the day. No one who has studied the civilization of Islam impartially can fail to appreciate the central role which the Koran has played both in its origin and in its development.” (ibid., 12). For everyday life, however, the most prominent presence of the Qurʾān can be found in its recitation.¶

Recitation: Oral/aural communication The continuing function of the Qurʾān in everyday life is mainly based on its essential characteristic as an orally recited text (see orality ). Though it was recorded in written form as early as the time of the Prophet (see codification of the qurʾān ), it has been always orally transmitted. Throughout the centuries, Muslims have learned the Qurʾān largely from the mouth of a teacher who has committed the text to memory ( hāfiẓ or qāriʾ). The student also ordinarily combines study and memorization. This method of learning the Qurʾān entails both reciting and listening. In order to insure this method, Muslim scholars throughout history have forbidden reliance upon the written text alone in learning the Qurʾān. The same method was applied to learning the prophetic traditions ( aḥādīth), so much so that reliance on a book was considered a “grievous mistake” (Ibn Jamāʾa, Tadhkirat al-sāmiʿ, 87, Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, Jāmiʿ, i, 69). This oral/aural, or recitingl/listening, dimension of the Qurʾān that lies at the root of its role in everyday life is an essential dimension of the structure of revelation ( waḥy) itself, i.e. revelation as a pattern of communication (Izutsu, Revelation, 128). The report about the first encounter between Muḥammad and the archangel Gabriel (q.v.) is indicative of this oral/aural dimension. It is reported that in this first encounter, wherein the first five verses of what eventually came to be sūra 96 were revealed, the archangel Gabriel ordered Muḥammad to “recite” (iqraʾ). A terrified Muḥammad reacted by saying, “What shall I recite?” (mā aqraʾ). Apparently Gabriel's command was ambiguous to Muḥammad and it was not clear to him what he was supposed to recite. ¶ After three repetitions of the same command and response, Muḥammad (q.v.) understood that he was supposed to repeat what Gabriel recited. In a later revelation the Prophet was advised to follow the [angel's] recitation (fa-idhā qaraʾnāhu fa-ttabiʿ qurʾānahu, q 75:18), which is understood to mean that he should not repeat hastily what was recited to him, but should first listen to the angel's recitation and then repeat it.

Listening attentively ( inṣāt) to qurʾānic recitation is, according to the Qurʾān itself, an avenue for receiving God's mercy (q.v.; q 7:204). Listening is not merely a passive action, but represents the internal act of comprehension. It was through listening to the Qurʾān recited by the Prophet that some of the jinn converted to Islam ( q 46:29-30; 72:1). Many are the reports of the influence that the Qurʾān's recitation has over people. Stories are preserved in Islamic literature which recognized that even the unbelievers were fascinated by the overwhelmingly poetic effect of the Qurʾān, an effect incomparable to that of poetry itself (see language and style of the qurʾān; poetry and poets; rhetoric and the qurʾān). Important in this context is the report about one of the scribal recorders of revelation who enjoyed what was dictated to him by the Prophet so much that he reached the point of spiritual unification with the text. Being able to anticipate the final wording of the verse under dictation, he thought he had attained the state of prophethood (see prophets and prophethood ). The full account is as follows: The prophet Muḥammad was dictating q 23:12-14 to one of his scribes — verses which explain the gradual process of creating a human being out of a sperm (see biology as the creation and stages of life ). When the Prophet finished the last sentence, the man was so deeply impressed that he exclaimed, “So blessed be God, the fairest of creators” — a sentence which fits the rhyming pattern of the verse and closes it. ¶ The Prophet was highly surprised, the story continues, because what the man said was exactly the last sentence revealed to the Prophet. Although the scribe in this story thought he could produce something like the Qurʾān (see inimitability; createdness of the qurʾān), and accordingly claimed that the Qurʾān had been invented by Muḥammad, a deeper significance can be found in the story. It indicates the aesthetic dimensions which always affect those who encounter the Qurʾān. The language of the text could capture the scribe's imagination and could inspire him to anticipate what might follow because of its powerful structure and cadences (Ṭabarī, Tafsīr, i, 45 and xi, 533-5).

In order to resist the influence exerted by listening to the recitation of the Qurʾān the people of the Quraysh (q.v.) at Mecca used to make noise around the reciter ( q 41:26). Listening ( samāʿ) was understood as inseparable from and as important as recitation itself. This intrinsic correlation of recitation ( qirāʾa) and listening (samāʿ) led to the notion of the ethics of recitation ( ādāb al-tilāwa) and the ethics of listening ( ādāb al-samāʿ). According to a prophetic ḥadīth, if the reciter is to recite the Qurʾān as if it were revealed into his heart (q.v.), the listener is to be aware of the fact that he or she is listening to the recitation of God's speech (Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad, nos. 19635, 19649).

As the Qurʾān is essentially orally transmitted through recitation and memorization, the first step in the education of a Muslim child is the memorization of some of the short sūras such as Sūrat al-Fātiḥa ( q 1), Sūrat al-Ikhlāṣ ( q 112) and Sūrat al-Falaq ( q 113) and Sūrat al-Nās ( q 114), the last two being known as al-Muʿawwidhatān (“the two cries for refuge and protection”). ¶ This first step is followed by the memorization of other sūras until the child has memorized the whole Qurʾān by the age of ten or twelve. (This author memorized the entire Qurʾān by the age of eight.) The importance of this tradition for Muslims is perfectly expressed by Graham: “The very act of learning a text ‘by heart’ internalizes the text in a way that familiarity with even an often-read book does not. Memorization is a particularly intimate appropriation of a text, and the capacity to quote or recite a text from memory is a spiritual resource that is tapped automatically in every act of reflection, worship, prayer, or moral deliberation, as well as in times of personal and communal decision or crisis” (Graham, Beyond, 160).

Consequently, qurʾānic recitation ( qirāʾat al-Qurʾān) developed as an independent discipline with rules and methods of its own (see recitation, the art of ). A professional reciter ( qāriʾ) would recite the Qurʾān in a rather embellished way known as tartīl, a term used twice in the Qurʾān for “recitation” ( q 25:32; 73:4). It is reported that the Prophet said, “Embellish the Qurʾān with your voices.” It is also reported that he said, “He who does not recite the Qurʾān melodiously is not one of us.” To such precepts the Prophet added his personal example, that on the day of his victorious entry into Mecca (see conquests ) he was seen on the back of his she-camel vibrantly chanting verses from Sūrat al-Fatḥ. The rules of recitation with embellishment (tartīl) became a discipline called tajwīd, rendered as “euphonious recitation.” It is an art related to music. The study of qurʾānic recitation (including learning the science of tajwīd and practicing recitation of the Qurʾān) thus became a prerequisite for a Muslim aspiring to become a singer or a musician. Most of the very famous Arab singers (e.g. Sayyid Darwīsh, Umm Kalthūm and Zakariyyāʾ Aḥmad) in Egypt are known to have studied tajwīd and started their career as Qurʾān reciters.¶

With the progress of technology, especially in the field of audio and video taping, learning tajwīd rules has become more accessible for large numbers of Muslims. Now there is no need to attend the sessions of an expert shaykh or qāriʾ in order to learn tajwīd. Sets of cassettes produced by one reciter (e.g. al-Muṣḥaf al-Murattal by Shaykh Maḥmūd al-Ḥuṣarī which appeared for the first time in Egypt in 1960) encouraged other reciters to record their recitations ( qirāʾāt, see reciters of the qurʾān ). All of these qirāʾāt are now available on CD-ROM, accompanied by tajwīd-teaching programs. Many of the encyclopaediac classical commentaries such as those of al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923), al-Qurṭubī (d. 671/1272), Ibn Kathīr (d. 774/1373) and others are also now on CD-ROM (see exegesis of the qurʾān: classical and medieval; computers and the qurʾān). With the spread of internet service thousands of web sites about Islam have emerged, many containing the Qurʾān in Arabic and its translation into the relevant language of the site (see translation of the qurʾān ). Some sites even present video recordings of qurʾānic recitations.

A “correlation between highly oral use of scripture and religious reform movements” can be observed, and it has been noted that the “‘internalizing’ of important texts through memorization and recitation can serve as an effective educational or indoctrinational discipline” (cf. Graham, Beyond, 161). The recent radical Islamist movements, who introduce themselves as the best substitute for current political regimes, make very good use of the recitation of the Qurʾān, among other things, to spread their ideologies. ¶ Governments in Muslim countries, whose “religiosity” is often challenged by the Islamist movements, have not hesitated to encourage memorization and recitation of the Qurʾān by spending a great deal of money on recitation competitions and memorization competitions. In Egypt, for example, the highest competition for the recitation and memorization of the Qurʾān is sponsored by the Ministry of Religious Endowments ( wizārat al-awqāf), with prizes presented to the winners by the President or the Prime Minister on the eve of the Night of Power ( laylat al-qadr), i.e. the twenty-sixth of Ramaḍān, every year.

Thus, as an essential element of Muslim daily religious life, tartīl al-Qurʾān has become not only a profession but an institution. Recitation of verses of the Qurʾān is always performed at the opening of a project, a meeting, a celebration, etc. It is the first item to be broadcast on every radio or television station in almost every Muslim country and it is also the closing item (see media and the qurʾān ). The Arabic MBC television station, for example, though broadcasting from London, follows the same tradition. Recitation of the Qurʾān is an equally essential part of all funeral ceremonies and processions (see death and the dead ), i.e. the body-washing ceremony( ghusl), the funeral-prayer ( ṣalāt al-janāza), and the condolence-receiving session ( ʿazāʾ), where two professional reciters are often hired to recite either at the house of the deceased or at the neighborhood mosque (for further discussion of the place of the Qurʾān in everyday life, see esp. J. Jomier, L'islam vécu en Égypte, 185-219).

Everyday language

It is worth noting that qurʾānic phrases, expressions, formulae and vocabulary have become an essential component of the Arabic language. Qurʾānic language, in capturing the imagination of Muslims and Arabs from the moment of its revelation, has affected almost every field of knowledge, namely theology, philosophy, mysticism, linguistics, literature, literary criticism and visual art.¶

The linguistic structure of the Qurʾān, although basically a “parole” in the pre-Islamic Arabic language, has been able to dominate this language by transforming the original signs of the language system so that they act as semiotic signs within its own system. In other words, qurʾānic language is trying to dominate the Arabic language (q.v.) by transferring its linguistic signs to the sphere of semiotics where they refer only to one absolute reality, which is God (see semantics of the qurʾān; semiotics and nature in the qurʾān). The function of such a transformation is evasion of the seen reality in order to establish the unseen divine reality of God: that is why everything in the whole seen reality from top to bottom, according to the Qurʾān, is nothing but a sign that refers to God. Not only natural phenomena, whether animate or inanimate, are semiotic signs but human history (see history and the qurʾān ), presented in the Qurʾān to express the everlasting struggle between truth and non-truth, is also referred to as a series of signs (q.v.; āyāt, sing. āya ). The Qurʾān itself is divided into chapters or sūras (q.v.), each of which is divided into verses (q.v.), also known as āyāt (sing. āya ). The comprehensive employment of this word in the Qurʾān, in both the singular and the plural, solidly supports this semiotic interconnection.

By surrounding the activities of everyday life with its recitation, the qurʾānic language has successfully dominated the standard Arabic language(al- fuṣḥā), as well as the various local dialects. Although the role of education, religious as well as secular, cannot be overlooked, the oral/aural character of the Qurʾān constitutes the basic factor in its widespread and effective re-shaping of the Arabic language. ¶ Illiterate people have been able, long before the age of mass education, to memorize and recite the Qurʾān. The same is true for blind persons who have been capable, long before the invention of the Braille system, of becoming professional reciters ( qurrāʾ) of the Qurʾān. Even non-Arab Muslims are required to learn how to pray in Arabic. Every Muslim is expected to memorize at least Sūrat al-Fātiḥa and some short sūras in order to be able to perform the prayer in a legally acceptable fashion.

The possibility of non-Arab Muslims' reciting qurʾānic passages in translation during their prayer was first addressed by Abū Ḥanīfa (d. 150/775), founder of the Ḥanafī school of jurisprudence. From a Persian family himself, he did not find any religious objection to a Muslim who is unable to understand or to recite the Qurʾān in Arabic, performing the prayer in translation. He ruled it permissible even for those who had learned Arabic but still saw difficulties in reciting the Qurʾān in Arabic (Abū Zahra, Abū Ḥanīfa, 241). Al-Shāfiʿī, however, insisted that reciting a Persian translation of the Qurʾān prayer is not valid. Moreover, even recitation in Arabic, according to him, is not valid if the verse sequence is mistakenly altered. It is not enough to correct the mistake by returning to the proper sequence, rather the reciter must restart the entire sūra in its proper order (Shāfiʿī, al-Umm, i, 94). As the opinion of al-Shāfiʿī became the one accepted by later consensus ( ijmāʿ), it became obligatory for non-Arab Muslims to recite the qurʾānic verses in Arabic in their prayer. As a result, languages like Persian, Turkish, Urdu, Malay and others spoken by Muslims became heavily influenced by the Qurʾān, or at least carry a qurʾānic imprint, because of its oral/aural character. ¶

The traditional system of Islamic education (see traditional disciplines of qurʾānic study ), whether in the classical school ( madrasa) or in private tutoring, usually starts with study of the Qurʾān. Memorizing the whole Qurʾān was for a long time a pre-condition for a student to be admitted to higher education( ʿālimiyya) at al-Azhar University in Cairo. Even with the introduction of the modern secular educational system, the teaching of Islam continued as an essential part of the curriculum at all levels. This remains true for almost all Muslim countries. With the development of mass education in every Muslim country in the post-colonial era, learning the Qurʾān thus became even more widespread, a phenonemon which can be observed in any Muslim country. Even Muslim communities in the diaspora, whether living in western or non-western countries, seek to establish their own schools where they can teach Islam and the Qurʾān to their children.

The age of mass media made it much easier, as mentioned above, for an individual to have access to learning Qurʾān recitation properly without attending school or engaging a private teacher. Qurʾān recitation is broadcast every day from all radio and television channels in Muslim countries. It is heard at least twice a day, once at the beginning and again at the end of the daily broadcast. In some countries, such as Egypt, the broadcast of Qurʾān recitation is far more frequent, as it is heard both before and after each call to prayer ( adhān), which occurs five times daily. Religious programs, where qurʾānic verses are quoted and explained, amount to about 25% of the total broadcasts every day. The Egyptian government established a special radio station in the sixties (Idhāʿat al-Qurʾān al-karīm) for the sole purpose of broadcasting Qurʾān recitation and related qurʾānic programs. The Friday prayer (q.v.) and the prayer during the two feasts are broadcast in their entirety, including the sermons, by both radio and television in almost every Muslim country. ¶ With the establishment of satellites, like Arab-sat and Nile-sat, the broadcast reaches Muslim communities in non-Muslim countries, making it possible for any Muslim to receive transmission of the entire pilgrimage procession from Mecca, thereby turning the previously ritualistic privilege of those with the necessary means into a publicly Islamic experience shared by all. The month of Ramaḍān, the “month of months” of the Muslim calendar, now enjoys widespread publicity in the satellite age. Ṣalāt al-qiyām, also known as tarāwīḥ or tahajjud, has also become an experience publicly shared with those who perform it at the Kaʿba in Mecca. Laylat al-qadr is a special occasion that some television stations broadcast from Mecca until the completion of the dawn prayer.

How much everyday language is influenced by the Qurʾān in such an all-pevasive context? It is impossible to provide an exact answer, but the phenomenon may be illustrated within the limits of this article by some examples. Qurʾānic phrases and verses spoken by Muslims in their ordinary language use include: the first part of the shahāda, “ lā ilāha illā llāh,” translated as “There is no god but Allāh”; the phrase asking God's forgiveness (q.v.; istighfār), “astaghfiru llāh,” lit. “I ask the forgiveness of God”; the Islamic greeting, “ al- salāmu ʿalaykum,” lit. “Peace be with you”; phrases with the name Allāh, e.g. “lā ḥawla wa-lā quwwata illā bi-llāhi l-ʿāliyyi l-ʿaẓīm,” rendered “All power and might are from God, the exalted, the great”; “ Allāhu akbar,” lit. “God is greater/the greatest”; the invocation of God's protection against Satan (al- istiʿādha) and al-basmala (see basmala ). ¶

The first part of the shahāda has different connotations, depending on the situation: to express sadness upon hearing bad news about someone known to the person; reacting to news of somebody's death, when it is always followed by the qurʾānic expression innā li-llāhi wa-innā ilayhi rājiʿūn, “We surely belong to God, and surely we will return to him” ( q 2:156; cf. 3:83; 6:36; 19:4; 24:64; 28:39; 40:77 and 96:8). It also conveys a sense of anger or displeasure in certain contexts.

Istighfār, which is mentioned and recommended by the Qurʾān more than 50 times, is always present in everyday language and mostly associated with the istiʿādha (invocation of God's protection against Satan), either to express sorrow for anger or to persuade an angry person to calm down. The Islamic greeting ( salām) also has its foundation in the Qurʾān as the greeting given by the angels to those who deserve paradise (cf. q 6:54; 7:46; 10:10; 13:24; 14:23; 15:46; 19:62; 56:26). It is also the required greeting of the prophets (cf. q 19:15, 33). As the word Islam itself is derived from the same root as salām, s-l-m, and as al-Salām is one of the most beautiful names of God ( asmāʾ Allāh al-ḥusnā), it became an obvious choice as the greeting of Muslims. It is also part of a formula used to greet the souls of ancestors upon arrival at the graveyard, whether visiting or participating in a funeral. The formula is al-salāmu ʿalaykum dāra qawmin muʾminīn, antum al-sābiqūn wa-naḥnu in shāʾa llāh bikum lāḥiqūn, “Peace be upon you, residence of people of faith, you preceded us and we will join you, God willing.” The qurʾānically derived Arabic phrase for “God willing” (in shāʾa llāh) is a very common expression among Muslims. Like the greeting “al-salām ʿalaykum” (also, salām[un] ʿalaykum), its usage in everyday language is not limited to Arab Muslims.

The name of God, Allāh, is present in almost every example offered here. In Arabic, especially in the Egyptian dialect, its frequency in everyday speech with multiple connotations is remarkable. ¶ It can express deep appreciation or admiration of a beautiful face, voice, song, poem, scent, sight, drink, meal, etc., if pronounced with a very long last syllable and closed at the end. It can express anger and dissatisfaction if pronounced with a higher tone stressing the double lām ending with the intonation of a rhetorical question. It can convey a connotation of teasing or mocking if it is repeated twice with an open ending. More will be said on this subject in the next section below.

The expression lā ḥawla wa-lā quwwata illā bi-llāhi l-ʿāliyyi l-ʿaẓīm contains three of God's names ( Allāh, al-ʿĀlī and al-ʿAẓīm) in addition to reference to another of his names (al-Qawī, q 11:66; 22:40, 74; 33:25; 40:22; 42:19; 57:25; 58:21). The expression is used in everyday language to express reaction to a situation where a sense of power or strong authority is displayed. The phrase “ Allāhu akbar” has many functions: it is the marker of entry into the prayer context, in that sense it is called takbīrat al-iḥrām. It also indicates, within the context of prayer, movement from one praying position to another. It is always followed by isti ʿādha and then basmala before reciting Sūrat al-Fātiḥa. The istiʿādha seeks God's protection against the devil (q.v.) by saying aʿūdhu bi-llāhi mina l-shayṭāni l-rajīn, especially when beginning Qurʾān recitation (cf. q 16:98). Like the istiʿādha, the basmala (bi-smi llāhi l-raḥmāni l-raḥīm), “In the name of God, the compassionate, the merciful,” is also to be recited before Sūrat al-Fātiḥa because, with the exception of the ninth sūra of the Qurʾān, it occurs at the opening of every sūra in the qurʾānic text ( muṣḥaf, q.v.). It also appears in a verse within a sūra ( q 27:30).

Apart from their essential role in prayer, the takbīr, istiʿādha, basmala and Sūrat al-Fātiḥa play other important roles in the language and practice of everyday life. Takbīr is always used, for example, to express dissatisfaction in a situation where someone speaks or acts arrogantly. ¶ As for istiʿādha, besides its use in religious and devotional contexts (cf. q 3:36; 7:200; 19:18; 23:97), it expresses, in everyday usage, the speaker's intention not to be involved in matters or affairs which he or she disapproves of or resents. The two sūras called al-Muʿawwidhatān ( q 113 and q 114) are recited before sleeping, preceded as a matter of course by both istiʿādha and basmala . They are also recited by mothers to a crying baby. If istiʿādha is intended to seek protection against the devil (i.e. a negative dimension of life), basmala represents the positive dimension of seeking a blessing (q.v.; baraka).

By virtue of its positive connotation, basmala is frequently present in the diverse activities of everyday life. It is reported in a well-known ḥadīth that any action or behavior is incomplete if executed without having the basmala recited (kullu shayʾin lā yudhkaru fīhi ismu llāh fa-huwa abtar, Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad, no. 8355). It should be recited upon entering a room or a house, opening a book, eating a meal, and it has become common behavior on television talk shows for a guest to start his or her answer with the basmala, regardless of the topic. It is very normal for students of all ages to whisper the basmala before exams, oral or written. It has recently been used by some airlines, e.g. Gulf Air, Saudi Air and others, on an audiotape played before takeoff. It is followed on the same tape by part of another verse of the Qurʾān, subḥāna man sakhkhara lanā hādhā wa-mā kunnā lahu muqrinīn, “Glory to God who tamed this [i.e. the sea and animals] for our use, for we are unable to control it” (cf. q 43:13). The verse, meant to glorify God whose power makes it possible for people to travel on water and to ride on the backs of animals, is equally applied to modern technology. It has also been a general practice for many Muslims to recite the basmala followed by q 43:13 when he or she starts his or her car. ¶ The basmala has a certain magical power according to some mystics who believe in the magical power of language in general and in the sacred power of Arabic, the language of the Qurʾān in particular (cf. Ibn al-ʿArabī, Futūḥāt, i, 58 f.; ii, 395 f.). It should be mentioned here that the literature about the magical power of language in Islamic culture is probably derived, at least partially, from the enigmatic letters at the beginning of some qurʾānic sūras, al- ḥurūf al-muqaṭṭaʿa (see letters and mysterious letters).

The recitation of Sūrat al-Fātiḥa ( qirāʾat al-fātiḥa) expresses, in the broadest sense, the idea of donation, although the meaning varies with the context. If said in the context of condolences, at the graveyard or at mention of the name of the deceased, the recitation is a donation in return for God's mercy and a blessing for the soul of the deceased. If it is done while visiting or passing by a saint's shrine, its recitation is meant to gain a blessing( baraka) from the saint ( walī). It can also signal that someone has recently been or is about to be engaged. Betrothal is traditionally associated with the recitation of Sūrat al-Fātiḥa by some family members of the future groom and bride. It is also recited before the wedding contract session ( katb al-kitāb) and on the wedding night and is meant to add a sacred nature to the marriage institution (see marriage and divorce ).

The first verse of Sūrat al-Fātiḥa after the basmala, i.e. al- ḥamdu lillāhi rabbi l-ʿālamīn, is also part of everyday language. At the beginning of a meal, the basmala is recited, and at the end this first verse (al-ḥamd) is recited. But al-ḥamd is not limited to thanking God for blessings provided. Rather it should always be the reaction of the Muslim to whatever God bestows on him or her, hence the statement, “Thanks be to God who alone is to be thanked for unpleasant things” (al- ḥamdu lillāhi lladhī lā yuḥmadu ʿalā makrūhin siwāh, see gratitude and ingratitude ).¶ This explains why the answer given by a Muslim to the casual question, “How are you?” is always answered by al-ḥamd regardless of how he or she really is.

Like al-ḥamd, the glorification (al- tasbīḥ) is also a part of everyday language, but conveys, like the recitation of Sūrat al-Fātiḥa, different senses according to context, e.g. different levels of excitement. An invocation ( duʿāʾ) composed of most of the above elements is frequently recited as follows: “Glory to God, praise be to God; there is no other god besides God, God is great, and there is no power or strength other than in him, the exalted, the magnificent” (subḥāna llāh, wa-l-ḥamdu lillāhi, wa-lā ilāha illā llāh, wa-Allāhu akbar wa-lā ḥawla wa-lā quwwata illā bi-llāhi l-ʿāliyyi l-ʿaẓīm; for further discussion on the Qurʾān's influence on everyday language, see Jomier, L'islam vécu en Égypte, 221-40).

Artistic presentation, calligraphy and crafts

There is no need to elaborate on the artistic dimension of Qurʾān recitation, especially when performed by a professional qāriʾ endowed with a melodious voice. Tartīl based on mastering the rules of tajwīd is actually a musical performance. The use of different terminologies, such as tartīl instead of ghināʾ (singing), is meant to differentiate between melodious production as entertainment intended for amusement and that associated with serious religious activity. For the same reason, other forms of religious music, such as praise of the Prophet ( madāʾiḥ) or religious folk poetry, are referred to as chant ( inshād) and not singing (ghināʾ). In daily life, however, Muslims react to Qurʾān recitation, whether listening to a reciter or a recording, in a manner similar to that prompted by a musical performance.¶

Offering condolences ( taʿziya) is an occasion to listen to Qurʾān recitation directly from a qāriʾ. In the Egyptian countryside, for example, people extoll the quality of a certain qāriʾ with a loud cry of “ Allāh” after each pause between verses. They sometimes even ask the shaykh to repeat a verse or verses. It is expensive to hire a well-trained qāriʾ with a beautiful voice, such a qāriʾ being something of a star. The renown of the qāriʾ who is hired depends on the wealth of the deceased's family or the amount of inheritance (q.v.) he left behind. Thus paying condolences (taʿāzī) can offer a splendid opportunity for those who appreciate the art of Qurʾān recitation both to fulfil a religious duty and to experience exquisite recitation.

Again, in a fashion analogous to the enjoyment of music, qurʾānic recitation may be experienced through listening to a tape or compact disk. Like musical art, Qurʾān recitation can also be enjoyed through one's own practice of recitation. The division of the Quʾrān into 30 parts ( juzʾ) — each of which is further divided into two parts ( ḥizb) which are themselves divided into four quarters ( rubʿ) — makes it feasible for a Muslim to enjoy daily recitation of at least one rubʿ, if not more. In a communal context, the recitation of the Qurʾān is performed weekly by a professionally trained shaykh in every mosque before the Friday prayer and sermon. At this weekly recitation, preference is given to the recitation of q 18, Sūrat al-Kahf (“The Cave”).

The ninety-nine most beautiful names of God ( asmāʾ Allāh al-ḥusnā) — originally based on the q 59:22-24 — are usually sung, accompanied by flute and drums, in Ṣūfī dhikr ceremonies. The singer, or munshid, melodically repeats over and over again the names of God while the participants sway back and forth to the right and to the left. Within the melody, the name of Allāh is uttered. ¶ The rhythm of the movement, as well as the utterance of the name of Allāh, gradually quickens in response to the melody. The end of the performance approaches when the name of Allāh alone is recited by repeating the first and the last letters (alif, hāʾ), thus indicating the attainment of the state of annihilation in God ( fanāʾ). Apart from the ritual function of this musical presentation of the names of God, there is also the aesthetic side, interest in which is confirmed by the widespread distribution of these musical presentations in recorded form. The musical productions do not belong to an individual singer, but like folk songs are performed by anyone with a beautiful and strong voice capable of song. In such a fashion the musical presentation of God's names is not unlike their presentation in calligraphy (q.v.).

If the recitation of the Qurʾān has developed its own musical genre, its written form has developed two kinds of visual art, calligraphy and book decoration (see ornamentation and illumination ). Manuscript decoration (see manuscripts of the qurʾān ) was an art developed by Muslims through their efforts to invent markers or indicators for the early ʿUthmānic copies ( muṣḥaf, see codices of the qurʾān ) of the Qurʾān, in order to facilitate recitation of the written text. First it was necessary to add diacritical points in order to differentiate between Arabic letters of similar written form; second, to establish signs indicating short vowels within and at the ends of words; and third, to create a system for the numbering of the verses and the demarcation of the beginning and end of each sūra. Different colorful artistic markers, still highly esteemed, were employed. The work of binding and covering the manuscript was considered a sacred craft to be performed only by those who were well-trained and had long experience. ¶ Many of these Qurʾān manuscripts, produced in the age before print (see printing of the qurʾān ), are now displayed in museums all over the world. In the wake of the revolutionary development of printing technology, the muṣḥafdecoration became an independent and technical art in the production of printed Qurʾāns.

It continues to be commonplace in any Muslim house, apartment or even a single room, to have a copy of the qurʾānic text placed in the highest possible position as a blessing( baraka). It is also often seen behind the front or the rear window of a car. The golden muṣḥaf around the neck of a Muslim woman or girl is a beautiful piece of art. The production of such sacred art and jewellery is, it could be argued, one of the liveliest industries in the Muslim world.

The art of monumental calligraphy as connected to the Qurʾān consists of transforming the written text into visual tableaux. Letters and words are only elements that form the entire piece of art and are no longer meant to be read. In such elaborate calligraphy, the readability of the written text of the Qurʾān is less important than its artistically powerful presentation. According to the doctrine that the Qurʾān represents the eternal and uncreated utterance of God ( kalām Allāh al-azalī al-qadīm, the Qurʾān is believed to have previous existence in heaven (see heavenly book ) where it was, and still is, recorded on the preserved tablet (q.v.; al- lawḥ al-maḥfūẓ). It is written there in magnificent Arabic letters, each of which is as great as a mountain, specifically Mount Qāf, which is supposed to surround and encompass the entire earth (cf. al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, i, 229). It has also been noted that the Islamic prohibition of any kind of figural representation of living figures (see iconoclasm ) made the art of calligraphy prosper and flourish in various media (see art and architecture and the qurʾān ).¶

As arabesque represents Islamic art in its abstract form, calligraphy represents a parallel form of artistic presentation of the word of God (q.v.). A variety of script forms (khuṭūṭ) are employed in qurʾānic calligraphy in both the Arab and non-Arab Muslim world (T. Fahd, Khaṭṭ). As might be expected, the verses and sūras most frequently presented in calligraphy correspond to those most often recited, underlining their particular significance in the everyday life of the Muslim. Commonly appearing in beautiful calligraphy are phrases such as “There is no god but Allāh” ( lā ilāha illā llāh) and “Muḥammad is the messenger (q.v.) of God” ( Muḥammadun rasūlu llāh), which together make up the testimony to faith( shahāda); the plea for God's forgiveness( astaghfiru llāh); and many other phrases that demonstrate the variety of ways in which the term Allāh is used. These include “There is no support or strength except in God, the exalted, the great” (lā ḥawla wa-lā quwwata illā bi-llāhi l-ʿāliyyi l-ʿaẓīm); the magnification of God (Allāhu akbar); the invocation of God to provide refuge from Satan (al- istiʿādha); the invocation of God's name ( basmala); and, finally, the most beautiful names (al- asmāʾ al-ḥusnā).

Since Allāh is the focal name that embraces all other names and attributes of God, it became, and still is, subject to much theosophical interpretation. A considerable portion of Ṣūfī literature is dedicated to explaining the multivalent significance of each letter of the name of Allāh. In calligraphy, the name is written either individually or at the center of the other names of God in many different forms and presentations: in the shape of a circle, square or triangle, each shape being an artistic expression of a particular Ṣūfī explanation of the divine reality. ¶ The circular shape, for example, is a visual mode of expressing the theory, elaborated by Ibn al-ʿArabī (d. 638/ 1240), of the relationship between the name Allāh and the rest of God's names. While the name Allāh occupies the center of the circle, which represents the universe, the other names of God, being countless, are represented as lines extending from the centre to every point of the circle. The artistic tableaux containing the calligraphic representations of the above-mentioned qurʾānic verses and words may be found everywhere in any Muslim community, on the walls of houses and offices, as bumper stickers or decals for car windows, as well as in mosques. The desk tops in many official buildings bear small plaques which display such verses as “On God I depend” ( tawakkaltu ʿalā llāh, cf. q 9:129; 10:71; 11:56, 88; 12:67; 13:30; 42:10, etc); “God is my lord” (Allāh rabbī, cf. q 13:30; 18:38; 19:36; 40:28; 42:10; 43:64); “This is from God's grace” (hādhā min faḍli llāh); and “Victory [comes] only from God” (wa-mā l- naṣra illā min ʿindi llāh). Tableaux containing particular verses like the Throne Verse ( q 2:255) and the Light Verse ( q 24:35) are best sellers, as are those inscribed with certain chapters such as q 36 (Sūrat Yāsīn) and q 112 (Sūrat al-Ikhlāṣ).

Such verses and sūras are also inscribed on small golden and silver pendants. The visual presentation of qurʾānic verses and phrases by metal inscription is not a modern phenomenon (see epigraphy ). Inscribing copper, silver and gold (q.v.), as well as coins in general, is an ancient Islamic craft. Nowadays, it has become an industry, with almost every Muslim girl and woman wearing around her neck a pendant with a qurʾānic inscription, the most common being “What God wills” (mā shāʾa llāh), the basmala, “There is no god but Allāh” ( lā ilāha illā llāh), and the Throne and Light verses.¶

The importance of both the Throne and the Light verses may have its roots in the mystical interpretation given to them, an interpretation that later became an essential aspect of folk Islamic beliefs (see popular and talismanic uses of the qurʾān ). The Light Verse exemplifies the rhetorical device of allegory( tamthīl), with the nature of God being compared to the nature of light. This light of God, however, is not the ordinary light known and enjoyed in daily life, but is rather an extraordinary kind of light which can only be perceived through similitudes. The similitude is expressed through extraordinary linguistic means in order to convey the extraordinary nature of God's light (see similes ). Al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111) devoted a treatise (Mishkāt al-anwār) to explaining in detail the conception of the divine light in reference to the above-mentioned qurʾānic verse.

The Throne Verse, on the other hand, represents the master verse of the Qurʾān ( sayyidat al-Qurʾān) for al-Ghazālī, since it contains the three major branches of the most important qurʾānic sciences, i.e. the science of knowing God ( ʿilm maʿrifat llāh, cf. Jawāhir, 45-9). Compared with Sūrat al-Ikhlāṣ, which contains only one branch of the science of knowing God, i.e. knowing his essence, (ʿilm maʿrifat al-dhāt), the Throne Verse merits a higher position in al-Ghazālī's categorization. Both of these verses have generated an extensive theological and mystical literature and occupied the attention of many generations of Muslim scholars. Their popularity has also expressed itself, as has been noted, in manifold material representations of varying levels of artistic skill and craftsmanship.

Conclusion

In conclusion, it can be said that the Qurʾān was able to penetrate all aspects of daily life by re-forming and re-shaping the everyday life of the early Muslim community physically as well as spiritually. ¶ The spread of Islam in a very short period presented the Qurʾān to different socio-cultural environments, where it eventually enjoyed an exalted position. As it gradually infiltrated the texture of the Arabic language, including its proverbs (a topic touched upon here only tangentially; cf. M.B. Ismāʿīl, al-Amthāl), it succeeded in influencing all the languages spoken by non-Arab Muslims. It is at the level of language, the building block of thought and of community, whether the media of the language be material (see material culture and the qurʾān ) or audio-visual, whether the form of conveyance be recitation or crafts, that the Qurʾān has had its most pervasive influence on all aspects of Muslim everyday life.

Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd

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Cite this page

Zayd, Nasr Hamid Abu, “Everyday Life, Qurʾān In”, in: Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān, General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Georgetown University, Washington DC. Consulted online on 07 January 2017 <http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-3922_q3_EQCOM_00057>